Friday, August 23, 2024

JEFFERSON

Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. 

Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter—with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? 

Still one thing more, fellow-citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.

from Thomas Jefferson’s First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801

Friday, August 16, 2024

KATYN FOREST

With only three Polish divisions covering the 800-mile-long eastern border, it came as a complete surprise when at dawn on 17 September [1939] the USSR invaded Poland, in accordance with secret clauses of the Nazi–Soviet Pact that had been agreed on 24 August. The Russians wanted revenge for their defeats at Poland’s hands in 1920, access to the Baltic States and a buffer zone against Germany, and they opportunistically grasped all three, without any significant resistance. Their total losses amounted to only 734 killed. Stalin used Polish ‘colonialism’ in the Ukraine and Belorussia as his (gossamer-thin) casus belli, arguing that the Red Army had invaded Poland ‘in order to restore peace and order.’ The Poles were thus doubly martyred, smashed between the Nazi hammer and the Soviet anvil, and were not to regain their independence and freedom until November 1989, half a century later.

In one of the most despicable acts of naked viciousness of the war, in the spring of 1940 the Red Army transported 4,100 Polish officers, who had surrendered to them under the terms of the Geneva Convention, to a forest near Smolensk called Katyń, where they were each shot in the back of the head. Vasily Blokhin, chief executioner of the Russian secret service, the NKVD, led the squad responsible, wearing leather overalls and an apron and long leather gloves to protect his uniform from the blood and brains, and using a German Walther pistol because it did not jam when it got hot from repeated use. (Nonetheless he complained he got blisters on his trigger finger by the end of the third day of continuous executions.) 


In all, 21,857 Polish soldiers were executed by the Soviets at Katyń and elsewhere—an operation which, after the Germans had invaded Russia, Stalin’s police chief Lavrenti Beria admitted had been ‘a mistake’. When the Germans uncovered the mass graves on 17 April 1943, Goebbels broadcast the Katyń Massacre to the world, but Soviet propaganda made out that it had been undertaken by the Nazis themselves, a lie that was knowingly colluded in by the British Foreign Office until as late as 1972, even though charges against the Germans over Katyń were dropped at the Nuremberg Trials.


Andrew Roberts, The Storm of War: A New History of the Second World War. HarperCollins. Kindle Edition.

Thursday, August 8, 2024

ALFRED THAYER MAHAN

Nathan Miller
The U.S. Navy: A History (Third Edition)
Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1997, 152-153

        
    Tall, balding, and ascetic-looking, [Alfred Thayer] Mahan was not a typical naval officer. Born at West Point, he was the son of Dennis Hart Mahan, a member of the faculty at the Military Academy and a pioneer in the teaching of strategy. Mahan obtained an appointment to the Naval Academy and because he had previously attended Columbia College for two years was allowed to enter the third class, the last man in the school’s history to be permitted to skip plebe year. In the twenty-five years of service that followed his graduation in 1859, Mahan drifted along with the tide, accomplishing little except for writing a small book on naval operations in the Civil War, The Gulf and Inland Waters. Impressed with this work, Luce [Commodore Stephen B. Luce, president, Naval War College] offered its author the post of lecturer in naval history. Mahan accepted with alacrity, but because an unsympathetic Navy Department ruled that he would have to complete his tour on the Pacific Station before reporting to Newport, he missed the school’s first term.


        
    Mahan’s duties on the Wachusett were not onerous, and as she lay in the dreary Peruvian port of Callao, he spent most of his time at the local English Club devouring every history book he could find in order to prepare himself for his new assignment. Trying to find a way to “make the experience of wooden sailing vessels, with their pop-guns, useful in the naval present,” he perceived in the long sweep of history a pattern that indicated that command of the sea had been a decisive factor in the rise and fall of empires. The idea came to him while he was reading Theodore Mommsen’ History of Rome. “It suddenly struck me,” Mahan related, “how different things might have been could Hannibal have invaded Italy by sea..instead of by the long land route, or could he, after arrival, have been in free communication with Carthage by water.” With every faculty “alive and jumping,” he saw that “control of the seas was an historic factor which had never been systematically appreciated and expounded.”


        
    When Luce was ordered to sea duty in 1886, Mahan was appointed president of the college. This was something of an empty honor. Government financing for the institution was pitifully inadequate, and he had to lobby steadily for funds to keep its doors open. The president’s quarters were in such deplorable condition that Mahan had to attach rubber tubing to a radiator to obtain bath water. he also had to fight off officers and civilians who wanted the course at Newport to devote less time to the study of strategy and more to the use of evolving technologies. Now a captain, he persevered in his efforts to keep the school open and found time to turn his lectures into a book that, after being rejected by several publishers, was published by Little, Brown and Company in 1890 as The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660-1783...

Monday, August 5, 2024

MORAL CHOICE

I am a libertarian, and as such I believe that people should have the legal freedom to do almost anything that doesn’t involve force or fraud. I am also an admirer of both Edmund Burke and Adam Smith, and as such believe there are many things that people can do but may not do—that is, do not have the freedom to do without reproach.

An eminent English judge a century ago, John Fletcher Moulton, put it nicely: “Between ‘can do’ and ‘may do’ ought to exist the whole realm which recognizes the sway of duty, fairness, sympathy, taste, and all the other things that make life beautiful and society possible.” He called this realm “obedience to the unenforceable,” and it is the passing of that realm that has led to the disuse of vulgar, unseemly, and dishonorable.

Charles Murray, The Curmudgeon's Guide to Getting Ahead: Dos and Don’ts of Right Behavior, Tough Thinking, Clear Writing, and Living a Good Life (113). Crown. Kindle Edition.

Friday, August 2, 2024

RELEARNING

What we need instead is a rediscovery of fundamentals, an acknowledgment that the old ways work, and a realization that if we sweep away everything old and try to reimagine something better, we will have swept away everything of value.


Law & Liberty
Daniel Buck
August 1, 2024


The Great Relearning of American Schools


At the start of the pandemic, many elite institutions went test optional, only to reverse course and again require the submission of SAT or ACT scores. It’s an eye-catching list: Brown, Dartmouth, Georgetown, Harvard, and many more. In a fit of anti-testing sentiments, they toppled a statue, but one by one they recognized their error and re-erected it.


My colleague Adam Tyner has detailed at length the importance of college entrance exams. They may be biased toward affluent students, but holistic portfolios, personal essays, involvement in after-school activities, letters of recommendation, and other alternatives to test scores are even more so. Affluent kids can afford coaching and editing for personal essays, and their well-connected parents can ensure Johnny receives a letter of recommendation from some impressive individual.


But for that kid on the other side of town, the SAT may be his only chance to prove himself. And sure enough, research finds that standardized tests are the least biased measure.


No one contests that these tests are imperfect, but elite universities have rediscovered their very real utility. They are an important data point to help admissions officers sift and sort through inflated GPAs, AI-generated personal essays, and thick academic portfolios that take time to review.


Tom Wolfe discusses a similar story—the rediscovery of old truths, this time in the twentieth century—in his famous essay “The Great Relearning.” Hippies rediscover basic hygiene after deconstructing old bourgeois norms like regular washing, and finding themselves afflicted with diseases not seen in centuries—the itch, the twitch, the rot. Architects renounce brutalism and glass monstrosities and instead embrace Art Deco and classical architecture. It turns out the glass provides no insulation while beige, cubical, utilitarian office buildings make everyone into a nihilist.


Education is undergoing a similar relearning. How anyone decided it was oppressive to measure whether students had learned course material is beyond me. Thankfully, even elite universities have recognized that standardized tests are not racist or classist. K-12 institutions would be wise to relearn likewise.


This great relearning touches on other aspects of schooling too. In the summer of 2020, in a manner resembling a Maoist show trial, school system after school system denounced traditional discipline and consequence structures, instead committing themselves to anti-racist education and restorative justice. A few years on, as misbehavior worsens, more schools are rediscovering the basic principles of human nature: if you abstain from consequences or even reward misbehavior with a heart-to-heart and a bag of chips, you get more of it.


Accordingly, districts from Las Vegas to Washington, DC are implementing stricter discipline codes to empower teachers to maintain control in their classrooms, while no-excuse discipline policies are once again receiving plaudits in the media.


The same story is soon to be told about grading. At the onset of the pandemic, perhaps understandably, many schools went pass/fail, dropped penalties for late work, and adopted more lenient grading scales. After they reopened, “equity and mastery” grading fads cemented these changes long-term, suggesting that it’s inequitable or unfair to fail students or otherwise hold them accountable for their work.


These same schools quickly discovered that low expectations only allowed students to slack off, complete the bare minimum, and still pass the class; that grades hold students accountable, incentivize work and therefore learning, and communicate important information to parents, universities, and other stakeholders.


Once again, many districts are now questioning these equity grading initiatives and re-instituting more formal gradebook procedures.


Perhaps most holistically, classical education is experiencing a renaissance. Enterprising school founders have established 264 new classical schools since 2019 alone. The media has taken notice with a host of think pieces analyzing its growth. What’s the appeal?


Since at least the 1960s, American education has fundamentally changed its telos. Student activists implored their professors to ask not “what is true?” but rather, “If we wanted to change society, how would we do it?” This theory of education that sees schools and universities as societal change agents, not institutions of academic learning, is the philosophy du jour of university education departments. Teachers are to be conspirators in cultural upheaval, not stewards of our shared knowledge and cultural inheritance.


But devoid of a great canon of literature, a body of scientific knowledge worth knowing, a compelling mythos of the American founding, or a robust understanding of Western history—even more broadly, without a commitment to objective truth or virtue—education itself becomes tinny, insubstantial, impotent. Students are left to pursue their own insular interests, reflect on their identities and navels, or pursue the latest political happening.


It doesn’t matter if teachers don’t vibe with the explicit, sequenced nature of phonics instruction. It works.
 

Students crave an education that challenges the mind, enlivens the heart, and stirs the soul. Accordingly, parents are fleeing insipid public schools to instead seek out something more robust in a classical, liberal arts tradition stretching back to Aristotle.


I can only hope the same relearning will begin with instruction too. American education is enamored with the latest fad or innovative instructional design. Invariably, every progressive recommendation to “reimagine” instruction amounts to cutting the teacher-role from the classroom. Denigrated is the idea that the teacher should be the “sage on the stage”—transmitting knowledge through direct explanation, demonstrating skills, or guiding practice. Teachers are often advised to limit instruction to less than 10 minutes.


Such advice is deeply misguided. Decades of research confirm that direction explanation, however easily cast off, is the best method to learn new materials. Seeking innovation in instruction is a category error. Technology may have changed but human nature remains the same. We learn best when others explain new concepts to us. In trying to innovate past explicit teaching and direct instruction, American schools lost something valuable.


Across the pond, the researchEd movement in the UK has popularized traditional pedagogy, and on this side of the Atlantic, we’re experiencing something similar (albeit on a smaller scale) with the rediscovery of phonics. It doesn’t matter if teachers don’t vibe with the explicit, sequenced nature of phonics instruction. It works. Would this realization expand to other content areas as well?


Throughout his essay, Tom Wolfe over and again references the concept of “year zero.” He observes that societies cannot deconstruct their social mores, institutions, habits, traditions, and structures, to then reconstruct something utopian on purely rational grounds. In reality, there is a great amount of wisdom in these very social mores, institutions, habits, traditions, and structures. Even something as simple as Grandma’s pie recipe has generations of trial and error built into its basic directions, far more wisdom than any one rational actor could ever contain or discover in the present.


In education, the ideologies of deconstruction and rationalism manifest in the idea that we can “reimagine” education entirely, or as one popular book puts it, reconsider every “institutional norm.” But we cannot shatter every institutional norm without repercussion, any more than we can stop washing our hands without repercussion.


Grades encourage hard work and learning. Tests both incentivize study and facilitate the retention of information in long-term memory. Discipline structures create orderly environments where students can learn, and consequences are themselves pedagogical tools that help students become responsible, polite, and self-controlled. Desks in rows, discrete subjects, handwritten notes, homework, reading great books out loud together—these norms all serve a purpose even if it’s not immediately obvious what that purpose is.


For decades, there was a general push and pull in the education world between progressives and traditionalists. The math wars stretch back at least to debates over California’s state curriculum in the 1990s. The phonics versus whole language debate began in the 1950s, and traditionalists have many times declared that phonics won. John Dewey first theorized a progressive education built on rationalist grounds in the early twentieth century, building on Jean Jacques Rousseau before him. As with old truths rediscovered, these are old debates as well.


Most recently, school systems embraced deconstructionism under pressure from anti-racist activists during Covid, imploring them to tear down old structures of discipline, instruction, testing, and curriculum. Traditionalists retreated while progressives advanced. Alas, an education system that forwent the basic truths of human nature was bound to fail, and schools are relearning old lessons.


In their renunciation of admissions tests, universities stumbled on the wisdom of the thought experiment “Chesterton’s Fence.” The purchaser of a new property, the idea goes, shouldn’t tear down a fence simply because they are unaware of its use. If they do, they may find snow drifts blocking their windows or wolves among the sheep. It is a call to respect the wisdom in existing institutions, but also a plea for intellectual humility. We may not know what’s best, so it is wise to respect those who came before.


What we need instead is a rediscovery of fundamentals, an acknowledgment that the old ways work, and a realization that if we sweep away everything old and try to reimagine something better, we will have swept away everything of value.